Issue #22/103, November 9 - 23, 2000  

PRESIDENTIAL MARATHON: FROM DAWN TILL DUSK

THE NEW BOOK BY FORMER PRESIDENT OF RUSSIA BORIS YELTSIN, REVIEWED BY FORMER HEAD OF THE PRESIDENTIAL SECURITY SERVICE ALEXANDER KORZHAKOV

When my book Boris Yeltsin: From Dawn Till Dusk appeared, Yeltsin was among the first to receive a copy as a gift. The inscription read as follows:

“To Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin—President of All Russians—with regards,
A. Korzhakov.”

Unfortunately, Boris Nikolayevich didn’t see fit to give me a copy of his Presidential Marathon. The Stringer editors were forced to spend 240 rubles and then present the book to me. I don’t begrudge the money—the book turned out to be of high quality, lovely, ample, rich....

When I first started reading I laughed a lot, until realizing that I simply had not read a more truthful account of Kremlin morals and manners.

“...Later it became clear to me exactly what was going on with Bordyuzha. As an officer who had made a wonderful career for himself within a strict military system, he had a poor understanding of modern political structures; he could not catch the subtle nuances or the underlying currents. From his point of view, all of the chief of staff’s work was illogical, unregulated, strange. And he was... out of his element.

“Bordyuzha developed a sort of split personality, he was suffocated by internal pressure. It was probably just this constraint that I noticed in him.

“Such things happen in life. I know from experience. A strong and willful individual, even one with superb health, finding himself in an unpleasant situation and undergoing constant stress, will simply start to ail. Following a brief tenure as chief of staff, the young border guard general developed heart problems....”

This is all true to the last word. No normal person could possibly work for long in that snake pit known as the “Presidential Administration.”

I don’t know whether Yumashev and Dyachenko understand that they overdid their attempts to paint over the Yeltsin period. The result was an extremely wicked parody of reality. There is decay and corruption, and they write about as if it were a revival.

What is surprising is the haste with which the collective author has published these memoirs. Clearly they were afraid that someone would beat them to it and give an entirely different interpretation of the events depicted in the book. It is well known that a memoir-type publication must satisfy at least two requirements: to be informative and truthful. But instead of a serious assessment of the events occurring in the country during Yeltsin’s second term, the reader is presented with a work on the theme of “How I Spent My Summer Vacation.” It’s just as well—essentially, it’s a review.

The fact that the book’s authors were “Valya and Tanya” arouse not the slightest doubt from anyone. Boris Nikolayevich had long forgotten how to write. Even decrees for signature were provided to him with the resolutions typed out in advance. He signed them with some difficulty. He was unable to comprehend films with a plot more complex than Mumu. He would watch only American action flicks at the dacha or at Zavidova. He would fall asleep while watching them, quickly and deeply.

In my time, I tried to interest him in Soviet films. The only one he could watch through to the end was White Sun of the Desert. So, Vladimir Motyl. More than likely, Motyl and the film’s creative team owe their prize to Korzhakov.

“...Awards are basically a simple matter. What’s so complex about it—just take it and sign. But...

“I have always felt (and still do) that any matter, even the most peaceful, provides an occasion for an unexpected decision. Take the awarding of a State Prize to the creators of the film White Sun of the Desert. The 25th anniversary of this remarkable picture was approaching. But my filmmaker associates felt that if the country and its leadership had not recognized the film’s creators at the appropriate time, it was already too late to make up for lost opportunities. An award after the fact would be absurd, strange.

“But I forced my own way [Against whom? — A.K.]. I was absolutely convinced in the rightness of my actions.... This was probably one of the few times when I thought of myself: It’s good that I am the president....

“It was nice to shake hands with Vladimir Motyl in the Kremlin’s Georgievsky Hall. And I was not ashamed for the country. On the contrary, I was proud.”

In general, the book turned to be largely representative. It’s hardly worth reviewing, but it should be read. Thus, for the most part I’ll simply quote from Yeltsin (for convenience, we’ll just assume that Boris Nikolayevich wrote the book), and correct him a little bit.

TANYA

“...One time Valentin Yumashev came to see me at Barvikha. I held nothing back and shared my thoughts with him: I felt that I did not control the process, I could see from the downcast eyes of my advisors (particularly Viktor Ilyushin) that the situation in the administration was growing worse by the day and that slowly but surely we were becoming mired in a swamp. To all appearances, the staff was a continuous squabble with no strategy, a Soviet communication style. It did not resemble a gathering of like-minded individuals in the slightest.

“‘We need one of our people on the staff,’ I said. Valentin listened, nodded, and gave it some thought.

...But who? Who could it be?

‘What about Tanya?’ he asked suddenly.”

Tanya was “thought up” by Berezovsky, Gusinsky, and Chubais in Davos. Yumashev even came to me with this idea. They needed a set of ears on the Election Committee, of which none of them was a member. At that time they had their unofficial staff meetings at LogoVAZ headquarters, but they had no idea what was going on at the real meetings.

Tanya was the only person on the Committee with no duties whatsoever. Yeltsin even removed her once; he ordered me to revoke her admittance pass.

Then they used Naina Iosifovna to wear down Yeltsin. He even started arriving at the Kremlin at 7 a.m. in order to down his first 100 grams of the day. Yeltsin had always ignored his wife and daughters. It was only when he grew ill that he truly became a father and husband. He really loved to complain about his health.

“...On the other hand, Tanya is the only person who can get me all the information. People tell her things that they would never say to my face. And she’s an honest person, without bureacratic complexes; she would never hide anything. She’s young and intelligent—and she’s my daughter, with my character and my approach to life.”

As for character and approach to life, this is all entirely true. But as for “bureaucratic complexes,” you’re better off asking the personnel who had to serve her. I’ll merely say that, when Tanya came to the Kremlin the first business she attended to was Naina Iosifovna’s quarters. These included an office, banquet hall, snack bar, kitchen, beauty salon, and full bathroom.

As for her honesty, this is a question for Abramovich, who following the election brought to Tanya’s office a suitcase full of cash top Tanya’s office—from 160,000 to 180,000 bucks.

Tanya was needed primarily by Berezovsky and Chubais. At the Election Committee meetings, she would sit quietly in the corner and attempt to record everything that went on. Then she would rush off to LogoVAZ; Berezovsky would decide how much to tell Yeltsin, and what was better to withhold.

It was precisely in their quarters that Tatyana and Berezovsky arranged Yeltsin’s meeting with the 10 bankers. Yumashev and Borodin were also there. No one else was allowed in, not even security. I only know the details of this meeting from OBSLUGI.

At the meeting, the bankers chipped in 50 million dollars each for the election, asking in return for guaranties regarding the transfer of ownership. There was thew usual bargaining. “Honest” Tanya and “honest” Boris Nikolayevich sold off Russia for 500 million.

“...Various decrees were prepared: specifically, for a ban on the Communist Party, dissolution of the Duma, and to put off the Presidential Election for a later date....

While I was in the office, Tanya called Chubais and told him to come to the Kremlin. ‘Papa, you should hear a different opinion. You simply must,’ she said. And suddenly I understood: Yes, I must....

“...When Chubais becomes upset, his face instantly flushes a crimson color.

“‘Boris Nikolayevich,’ he said. ‘It is no longer 1993. Today is different in that the first person who leaves the Constituional playing field will be destroyed....’”

Yeltsin could never countenance “other” opinions. At that time, he would not have sat down alongside Chubais on a single Constitutional playing field. There was no meeting between Yeltsin and Chubais.

Soon after the Duma voted to annul the Belovezhsky agreement [which dissolved the Soviet Union in 1991], Yeltsin called a closed meeting. The calls were made in the evening, and at 6:00 a.m. on April 18, 1996, we were all there in the Kremlin: the three Kulikovs, Soskovets, myself, Barsukov, Grachev, and chief of staff Yegorov. I insisted that Chernomyrdin should be called, but Yeltsin did not want to see him under any pretense. He thought that Chernomyrdin was after his seat.

Boris Nikolayevich floated the idea of dissolving the Duma and banning the Communist Party. All the generals supported Yeltsin. FSO Head Krapivin even issued an order to “close” the Duma not allow anyone into the Parliament building. Only Minister of Internal Affairs Kulikov voted against, for which he was subsequently dismissed.

They thought up Chubais in order to battle the communists, to make him into a Constitutional savior and defender of justice.

“On the eve of the second round of the Presidential election, Korzhakov decided to strike back. On June 19, at seven o’clock, at the White House entrance the Presidential Security Service arrested two members of the election campaign staff. They were accused of stealing money.

“...And then Tanya went (it was already 1 a.m.) to the LogoVAZ offices, where most of the analytical group and other sympathetic individuals had gathered—Nemtsov, Gusinsky, journalists, television reporters. Security informed them there were snipers on the roofs and special service officers had surrounded the building. It seemed to everyone that Korzhakov and Barsukov would never let them out.”

Never in my life have I met anyone more cowardly than those who gathered that night at LogoVAZ. There were never any snipers or special service. Otherwise, they would have come out in a line with their hands up, after which they would have pointed the finger at one another.

There was no “strike back.” A week prior to the arrest of Lisovsky and Yevstafyev, Yeltsin personally ordered me to deal immediately with the theft of campaign funds. By his own hand, he penned a resolution addressed to me. At that time my duties as a member of the Election Campaign Committee included monioring financial expenditures.

The night before the arrest, we hid a safe in Kuznetsov’s office. The safe contained 2.5 million dollars and another 5 million in offshore payments for the printing of brochures. The office was under surveillance throughout the day. No one except Kuznetsov went in. But after the arrest it turned out that nothing was left in the safe except the 500,000 bucks in the Xerox box. I still don’t know how Kuznetsov managed to get out the 2 million dollars. I was not permitted to get to the bottom of it.

The ongoing fate of this money is rather more interesting. Streletsky and I submitted a statement to the General Prosecutor’s Office indicating that there were no criminals amd we found the loot. We requested payment of the 25-percent state reward payable in such cases. In response, we were told that the money had been returned to the Finance Ministry.

“...If those people whom Tanya virtually protected that night—i.e., Berezovsky, Gusinsky, Malashenko—would remember that in the future....”

As far I know, Tanya only protected Makashenko, Lisovsky, Lesin, and Chubais. I didn’t heard anything about Berezovsky and Gusinsky.

Incidentally, Chubais did remember this—as chief of staff, he proposed making Tanya vice-president: “This girl is in love with power; let’s groom her as a successor.”

THE OPERATION: BEFORE AND AFTER

“Obviously, other than my family the only people who knew about the heart attack were the doctors and several security and staff members. Not the inner circle, but only the absolutely closest people.

“Literally on the day after the attack, June 27, Tanya and Chubais met at the President Hotel, where the campaign staff was operating. The entire schedule of appearances between the first and second rounds would have to be canceled under some innocuous pretense—a change in tactics: after all, the President was certain of success. Under no circumstances could a leak about the illness be permitted.

“Of course, my aides and I were walking a fine line: would it be permissible to hide such information from the public? But to this day I am convinced that to surrender voctory to Zyuganov or reschedule the election would have been a far greater and damaging sin.”

This was already the fifth heart attack. The four previous ones, “we had endured together.” But I was also present for the fifth one. It was not Zyuganov that he feared, but rather Chernomyrdin.

When Boris Nikolayevich took ill, I was received a call from the young man who was then head or acting head of the Security Service, Tolya Kuznetsov. I came and the first thing I heard was Yeltsin’s characteristic mantra: “Just don’t tell Chernomyrdin!”

“What should we do?” Kuznetsov asked. I asked for a copy of the Constitution and showed him the article stating that, if the president is unable to fulfill his duties, then the prime minister, as the second in command, temporarily assumes them. Look, I said, if something happens to him, you’ll be the first to take the fall. You don’t serve Yeltsin, you serve in a state post.

Naina Iosifovna came in, and I read her the article from the Constitution. She told me I was to blame for everything. In response, I said, “You’re the one who’s to blame for all this, with your Chubaises and Berezovskys.” Before leaving I again told Kuznetsov that he should inform Chernomyrdin.

Several days later they needed to show a healthy Yeltsin on TV. Then, upon orders from Borodin, they prepared a backdrop depicting the President’s office in the Kremlin. A desk was moved next to Boris Nikolayevich’s bedside. They dressed him a white shirt with tie and jacket. They didn’t bother putting any pants on him. They propped him up with pillows. Yumashev, Tanya, Vasya Shankhovsky, and I think Shakhrai gathered around the desk—there were six people in all.

And so, without pants, the President conducted his final meeting before the second round of the election.

“Still prior to the election, in the spring, there was a joint letter from the doctors addressed to Korzhakov, directly indicating the catastrophic condition of my heart. This letter was not show to me, nor to my family. I only read it much later.

“‘Consultation Report.

“‘During the past two weeks, the condition of President of the Russian Federation Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin has undergone changed for the worse. All of these changes are directly connected with a sharply increasing level of stresses, both emotional and physical. A major role is played by the constant changes in climatic conditions and time zones during flights over great distances. Sleeping time has been reduced to a minimum—about 3-4 hours per day. This work schedule represents a real threat to the health and life of the President.’

“The report was signed by 10 doctors.”

After experiencing four heart attacks, you don’t necessarily need to read doctors’ letters in order to learn about the catastrophic condition of your heart. It’s true that I did not show the letter to anyone. It was addressed to me, in order to lighten the President’s campaign schedule.

But everyone was aware of the letter’s existence. After all, I was not the one who convinced Boris Nikolayevich to dance on stage in 40-degree weather. It was his own daughter who did this. Tanya knew perfectly well that her’s father life practically hung in the balance.

Incidentally, Boris Nikolayevich provides the text of the letter in its entirety. But he does not have the letter; it remains with me. I did not event turn over the files after I was dismissed, as I was supposed to. Question: how does Yeltsin know the text of the letter? Answer: only from my book, where it was published in full.

Thius means that either Boris Nikolayevich read the book himself, or it was read to him. Nevertheless, later, on page 78, he writes: “They say that Alexander Vasilyevich’s book is full of lies and dirt. But I did not bother reading it; I could not ovecrcome my disgust.”

About these lies and dirt. Thus far, not a single fact in my book has been refuted. Moreover, many of them are confirmed by Yeltsin himself in his new book. And the dirt? There was always more than enough to go around in Yeltsin’s circle.

I only wrote about the top of the iceberg, and in an extremely restrained manner. For some reason no one is dishing any dirt on me, although I have long been outside of Yeltsin’s circle and I have plenty of enemies.

...

BEING NEIGHBORLY

“I return to the present, the year 2000....

“Soon after my resignation, a meeting of CIS leaders was held in Moscow. They all arrived one day prior to the official events, and I invited them to my home at Gorki-9. Never before had so many official guests, an entire summit, been received in my home. But Naina and I decided to break the tradition. Naina was even concerned that there would not be enough dishes or silverware. We served the presidents our family dish—Siberian pelmeny with pike....”

Gorki-9 is an official state residence, with a capacity for a thousand guests. What home or silverware is he talking about. It seems what they say is true: Yeltsin does not wish to give up the presidential residence, and Tanya is planning to privatize one of the residences at Barvikha-4.

Although what is so surprising? Yeltsin always viewed Russia as his own personal property.

...BACK IN THE HOSPITAL

“The work that my political enemies later came to refer as the influence on the President of the Family—like that, with a capital letter—was in fact my meetings with the chief of staff. his deputies, advisers, discussions about proposals developed by them, and ultimately the taking of a final decision by the President. Then, once the decision has been made, its firm and unwavering implementation.

“I worked under this scheme during all my final years. And although first they identified Chubais as ‘regent,’ then later Yumashev and Voloshin as members of the Family, the essence of the claims did not change. Someone is operating in secrecy behind the President, they say.

“I confirm. In fact, there stood behind me a large, strong, well-organized team. But if someone prefers this term ‘Family,’ you can put it this way: the members of my family included Chubais, Voloshin, Johann Pollyeva, Sergei Yastrzhembsky, Vyacheslav Surkov, Ruslan Orekhov, Igor Shabdurasulov, Mikhail Komissar, Alexander Oslon, Mikhail Lesin, Yuri Zapol, Kcenia Ponomareva, Konstantin Ernst, Oleg Dobrodeyev, Sergei Zverev (while he worked in the administration), Igor Malashenko (during the first years after the ‘96 election), Alexei Gromov, Oleg Sysuyev, Sergei Prikhodko, Dmitri Yakushkin, Andrei Shtorkh....”

Actually, the list should have started with Berezovsky, Abramovich, and Mamut. Nothing further to add.

VERY PERSONAL

“Upon moving to Moscow, already disgraced, I bought my first car—a silver Moskvich. I was still in the state structures. I decided that from now on I would drive to work myself. And so, there was the first trip.

“The security guard sits to my right, my family behind me. . We’re on a busy ulitsa Gorkogo. I’m constantly looking back to keep track of what’s going on behind me. I have trouble using the rear-view mirror. Tanya says to me, ‘Papa, look ahead! I beg you!’ I’m driving at a reasonable speed. The pale security guard does not take his hand off the emergency brake so as to activate it in case of emergency should there be no other way out. We arrived without incident, thank God!

“From that time, Naina is deathly afraid and does not allow me behind the wheel. “Borya, there are plenty of drivers in the family—sons-in-law, daughters, grandchildren. They’ll be happy to drive you wherever you want.” Nevertheless, I recently did some driving on the roads at the dacha in my presidential limousine. Now that I’m a pensioner I can do whatever I want.

“But I still managed to compensate for my passion for motoring—by driving in an electric car. Plus it’s more healthy. I especially like to ride down a hill and right into a tree. I turn at the last minute. This is relaxing. Recently, the security guard accompanying me on this risky journey could not hold on during the turn and was thrown from the car. I had to apologize to him....”

About this Moskvich. This was in the courtyard of a building on ulitsa Goirkogo. As soon as Yeltsin got behind the wheel, the car began to shake as if afflicted. At a speed of about 10 km/h we made a circle around the courtyard. A second test run followed.

I drove the future president of Russia to the Kremlin. Then there was the “trip” from Vasilyevsky spusk under the flashes of cameras and television cameras. It looked like a motor run by a team of invalids. My Niva and Zhiguli was in the lead clearing the way for the Moskvich, with another Zhiguli following behind. At a speed of 40 km/h the cavalvade traveled along ulitsa Gorkogo.

I was pale as a ghost and really did keep my hand firmly on the emergency brake.

The family would never get in the car while papa was behind the wheel.

“...Many are probably interested in our incomes? In other words, am I a wealthy man? Frankly, I don’t know.... It depends on how you measure such things. Let us see what I have, and what I don’t have.

“So, I live in a state-owned dacha. I own (jointly with my wife) real estate consisting of a dacha in the Odintsovsky district of Moscow oblast. The size of the dacha is 452 square meters. The land plot measures four hectares.

“I also have a BMW that was purchased in 1995. There’s the apartment in Moscow on Osennaya ulitsa. There are the refrigerators at the dacha and another at home. Several televisions. Furniture (couches, sofas, stools, cabinets, etc.). Some clothes. My wife and daughters’ jewelry. Tennis rackets. A floor scale. Hunting weapons. Books. A stereo. Dictophone....”

And let’s not forget the blood pressure measuring device, hot water bottle, and thermometer....

“...On the islands among the Zavidova lakes, hay grows in the summertime. Sometimes I would go there to forget about everything. I would fall asleep.

“In general, hunting and fishing are a special pursuit.

“...Duck hunting at dawn is the most dynamic. You shoot the bird in flight, trying to get it with a precise shot from the boat. This is almost a sport. It’s so hazardous that sometimes you return home with a large black palm-sized bruise on your shoulder.”

The story about the bruise explains everything to any hunter: either Yeltsin is lying or he doesn’t know how to shoot. Now for the sport.

After a duck hunt we (Grachev, Barsukov, and myself) would return home with our catch. Some would bring home 10, maybe 15. Twenty was the maximum. But Yeltsin would never return with fewer than 80. He was always the champion. Once, when Yeltsin had fallen asleep after a dose, the chief huntsman at Zavidova, Anatoly Vasilyevich Lepilin, suggested that we go for a ride to show me Yeltsin’s hunting spots. We puttered for awhile along the canals, until we sailed at full speed into a duck-filled lake. The ducks didn’t even bother to take flight, they just quacked.

It turns out that Yeltsin was taken to a duck farm to hunt. They sailed in, stopped, and Yeltsin would shoot like crazy. Sometimes he would take more than 100.

“Traditionally, the Russian way of life has strictly dictated that you can’t not drink on your birthday, and you can’t not drink at a friend’s wedding, you can’t not drink with colleagues from work. I have always regarded this obligation with a certain melancholy, I cannot bear drunks, but... at some point I realized that alcohol is actually a substance that quickly alleviates stress.”

No comment.

ANOTHER LIFE

“Perhaps I’m overly self-reliant, I take too much upon myself.

“I don’t really think so. I am under an obligation to be absolutely honest about everything I thought, how I felt, why I acted one way or another. But questions remain: what next? Who am I today, right now?

“Probably, I feel like a long-distance runner who has run a super marathon, one of 40,000 kilometers.

“That is the state I am in today. I gave all my strength, all my soul to the Presidential marathon. I gave of myself honestly for the distance.

If there is any need for me to justify myself, then here it is: if you can do better, then try. Run those 40,000 kilometers anew. Faster. Better. More gracefully. More easily.

“And that is what I did.”

There will be no other life for Boris Nikolayevich.

In the foreword to the book Yeltsin writes: “The book’s primary purpose is to tell the story of our reforms, my own personal story—the story of the first democratically elected President of Russia.” But he should have started from the epilogue, when Boris Nikolayevich asks for forgiveness from the Russian people.

As was rightly noted by first court chronicler Pavel Voshchanov, Presidential Marathon is an embellished court chronicle. In my view, the book’s true purpose is to mythologize the period of Boris Nikolayevich’s rule. To embellish Yeltsin’s place in Russian history.

It seems that Yeltsin feels uncomfortable in his own place.

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